Seminar Response Week 9 – Post-Positivism

Seminar Response Week 9 – Post-Positivism : Kozinets (2001) takes an ethnographic approach to articulating the meanings of Star Trek’s culture of consumption. In this article, he looks at consumption meanings in both macrocultural, microcultural, and informal contexts, yielding a data set of “440,000 words of field notes, interviews, and member checks; 260,000 words of artifactual data; and 267 photographs.” Underlining his approach was the notion of articulation theory (Hall 1980), which analyzes linkages between social concepts such as social class and race or cultural belief. Kozinets’s findings help build a theoretical framework of fan-based consumption patterns under a utopian vision. Kozinets also applies Grossberg’s (1992) ‘mattering maps,’ which help to organize self-identity through places, purposes, and moods to “guide the investment of affect.”

The ethnography can be summarized by five major consumption themes: 1) utopian sanctuary; 2) stigma; 3) religion and myth; 4) detachment, affinities, and practices; and, 5) utopian and commercial enterprise. By piecing together the qualitative data with articulation theory and an understanding of mattering maps, Kozinets yields some larger scale findings from what seems like a novel consumer population. However, this post-positivist critique of consumption cultures lends itself well to an empirical study of brands with cult-like followings.

Brands such as Starbucks and Apple have both grown to mythic and religious proportion—the result of their visionary founders’ creations—with brand devotees facing stigma from casual users. Additionally, these brands’ ‘superfans’ assumer higher levels of cynical attitudes when the brands’ founders appear to make business decisions that placate shareholders, rather than appeal to the superfans. As a result of these brands’ cult-like statuses, we should be able to empirically research the general hypothesis that subcultures mediate the interaction between active audience and active media by creating a methodology that looks at cultures of consumption in a positivist context. Both experimental and survey data should test for these effects.

In the first phase of the research design, we use experimental data to determine the effect of cult brands on the propensity to purchase. In this within-subjects experiment, we hypothesize that consumers tend to choose brands with mythical stature when the consumer has a congruent disposition toward the founder’s brand philosophy, controlling for product preference. In the first step of the experiment, the subject will be given brief biographies both on Steve Jobs and on a fictional executive with a similar background for a rival company. After reading the biographies, the subjects would then be given the choice to buy one of two mp3 players, both of which are given equivalent product attributes. In the second step of the experiment, the subject would be shown a commercial promoting a cup of coffee for Starbucks and a commercial promoting a cup of coffee for a rival company. After seeing these commercials, the subjects would then be given the choice to buy one of two cups of coffee, both of which are given equivalent product attributes. Finally, the subjects would be asked to provide open-ended answers to a few questions on self-identity.

In the second phase of the research design, we use survey data to determine the path linkages between mass audience, mass media, and subcultures. Using secondary corporate data on marketing inflows and outflows from both Starbucks and Apple, correlated with primary survey data of the general consumer population, we should be able to determine the differential, mediating role that subcultures play in these consumption behaviors.

In a certain regard, similar types of questions have already been hypothesized in the brand literature on the ‘halo effect’ (Beckwith and Lehmann 1975; Holbrook 1983; Leuthesser, Kohli, and Harich 1995; Bagozzi 1996). This round of empirical testing not only extends the literature on halo effects, but additionally furthers the literature on mass media cultures of consumption as it relates to self-identity. As Kozinets writes: “entertainment content has become a key differentiator in virtually every aspect of the broader consumer economy” (p. 85). However, these cultures of consumption exist beyond just entertainment, filtering mass media culture into all realms of self-identity.

New Program Helps Teens Stop Dating Violence

New Program Helps Teens Stop Dating Violence : The Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has released information on a new program aimed at reducing teen dating violence. Choose Respect is an initiative that helps teens form healthy relationships to prevent dating violence before it starts. Violence within teen relationships has become more prevalent than ever.

According to "Dating Violence Facts" on the CDC website, about one in 11 teens reports being a victim of physical dating violence each year. A startling one in four teens reports verbal, physical, emotional, or sexual violence each year and about one in five high school girls has been physically or sexually abused by a dating partner. These facts are evidence of a disturbing trend.

The adolescent years are crucial in developing social skills. What teens learn during those years may have a profound effect on how they choose friends and mates as adults. Things such as good communication, honesty, and knowing one's limitations are important factors in a healthy relationship. Dating violence is associated with unhealthy sexual behaviors that can lead to unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, and HIV infections.

Choose Respect helps parents, caregivers, older teens, educators, and other caring adults motivate teens to challenge harmful beliefs about dating violence and take steps to form healthy and respectful relationships. The program has a 60-minute training video called Dating Matters for adults to understand the risk factors and warning signs associated with teen dating violence.

The Alabama Coalition Against Domestic Violence suggests looking out for the following signs that a partner in a relationship could potentially become violent.
  • quick involvement
  • extreme jealousy
  • unpredictable mood swings
  • abused former partners
  • isolating his/her mate from their friends
  • blames others for his/her problems or feelings
  • explosive anger
  • uses force during an argument
  • verbally abusive
Conversely, if a teen is behaving in a violent way, the CDC offers the following suggestions:
  • create a safe environment for discussion
  • encourage the teen to talk but do not force him/her to open up
  • thank the teen for sharing
  • seek professional help for him/her through youth counseling or a hotline
  • show the teen how he or she can maintain his or her desires and needs without using violent behaviors.
In many cases, the teen who is exhibiting violent behavior is suffering as well as the victim and his/her needs must also be met to break the cycle.

Teens Dating Dangerously


How Does Dating Violence Start?

Dating violence is a concept that is somewhat foreign to our society in which a relationship becomes overwhelmingly dangerous and psychologically comforting at the same time. Teenagers often experience several vulnerabilities while progressing through adolescence. Some of the most fragile areas associated to this developmental process is the relationships they have with their parents, peers, and members of the opposite sex.

Mutual interdependence becomes increasingly prevalent in each of these categories, while the attention from the opposite sex, as little or as belittling as it may be, fuels a teenage girl's emotionality for experiencing importance, beauty, and desire.

Some risk factors pertaining to the type of abuse that is typically found in teenage relationships includes the dominant partner having a short temper, embarrassing you in front of others, pressuring you sexually, limiting your rights within the relationship in a variety of circumstances.

The Abusive Cycle

Relationship abuse is often cyclical in that it is actually a psychological and behavioral pattern that may be summed up in a series of stages. Initially, the relationship begins in a state of excitement in which both parties are newly fulfilled and practically giddy about one another, in a way that is even psychologically vulnerable. Such vulnerability is illustrated in the emotions and level of dependence that each party has within the new relationship, as they both may find themselves rushing into a level of commitment.

This happens because the need to be desired is psychologically and emotionally comforting on many levels. It should be noted that this form of comfort is not equivalent with parental comfort or acceptance from one's peers.

Next, there is an opportunity for tension and frustration to develop in which the abuser will press the boundaries to see where their parameters are, while making sure that a sufficient amount of affection is also integrated into the abusive behavior. If this is not done appropriately, the victim of the relationship will flee and that is not what the abuser is aiming for here.

Individuals in relationships like this may claim to experience relational growing pains and just learning one another's interpersonal dynamics; however, this should be a red flag for peers and parents that the relationship is unhealthy. Any hot and cold behaviorisms should be recognized, as inconsistent patterns initiate this process of abuse. In methods to cope with feeling like there is no escaping an abusive relationship, the victim of this situation may withdrawal from their peers because they are embarrassed and they secretly are aware that there is an issue, but fleeing the relationship is perceived to be much more detrimental than staying.

They may even find themselves overcompensating for their partner's abusive characteristics by lying to others, exaggerating about minor events to depict a fulfilling relationship, and even clinging tighter to the abuser for the need to be what they need and to further understand why they are behaving in such a manner. The last stage is violent, and described as being the shortest in duration. This stage is one of desperation in which the victim will begin to respond to any sexual, physical, or psychological abuse that they are experiencing. The victim of the relationship will begin to push back.

The victim will feel a loss that is described as rejection or grief in which psychological humiliation overwhelms them in a manner in which retaliation is therefore required. This stage is considered to be the most dangerous because this response could push the abuser to inflict greater harm and make matters much worse.

Finally, the last stage of this unfortunate cycle embodies a time of apologetic pleas, gifts, and promises of change from the abuser as they realize that they are close to losing their victim altogether if they do not ease up on the level of abuse. The victim more often than not, will trust their abuser in their cry for change; however, only a few are able to realize that this is a behavioral element that rarely changes.
Statistical Information on Abuse

Unfortunately, dating violence is not perceived to be as important as domestic violence; however, dating violence is a precursor in and of itself for domestic violence. Teens are at a much higher risk for being in abusive relationships than adults. Out of every 5 females in high school, 1 of them is reportedly being physically or sexually abused by a partner they are dating.

Such abuse is found to be inflicted on individuals that range between 16 to 19 years old in approximately 94% of the cases. Furthermore, half of the adult sex offenders report that their first sexual offense took place before they were 18 years old.

Teens that are in abusive relationships are at a much higher risk for suicide, eating disorders, substance abuse, poor academic standing, anxiety, and for having low self-esteem. Teens will more often than not, keep this abuse a secret, as a pattern of codependency is birthed and an overwhelming level of security is both damaged and yet reinforced. This takes place because the desire of feeling needed and wanted outweighs the negative aspects of being abused.

Dating violence is dangerous for many reasons and it doesn't affect individuals based on their race, level of education, or level of income. Dating violence is a noxious component that is socially and psychologically crafted, embracing abusive elements of physical, sexual, and emotional debilitation.

References:

American Bar Association. (2006).Teen Dating Violence Facts. National Teen Dating Violence Prevention Initiative. http://www.abanet.org. Retrieved from, http://www.abanet.org/unmet/teendating/facts.pdf.

T.E.A.R. (2007). Teens Experiencing Abusive Relationships. http://www.teensagainstabuse.org. Retrieved from, http://www.teensagainstabuse.org/index.php?q=quizMe.

A Critique of a Crucial Theory of Leisure time


In Critique and Emancipation: Towards a vital Concept associated with Leisure, John L. Hemingway urges the ownership of a crucial theory associated with leisure time. He begins by directed up the weaknesses from the traditional theories and then proposes for implementing the crucial theory associated with leisure time to higher understand both leisure time and culture and then to make use of that understanding to consider political motion to change culture. The basis with this political motion may be the notion of going for a developmental view of human culture rather than an acquisitive a key component perspective, therefore emancipating the person through whats as to the could be.

The three traditional theories associated with leisure time and culture which Hemingway describes and critiques for his or her weaknesses are positivism, post-positivism, and constructivism. Very first, he or she describes positivism since the most familiar paradigm used by social researchers, which is based ontologically about the idea that one may discover an external actuality and describe this by making progressively common claims about causal laws and regulations which clarify the relationship between observed phenomena. Under positivism theory, such laws and regulations can be made about human behavior whatever the historical or social characteristics from the culture becoming observed, and one may use value-free measurements to try ideas and analyze this particular information and create propositions and pull conclusions. Even though Hemingway does not mention this particular in his dialogue, this particular design is derived from the physical sciences and was designed to create the evaluation associated with social behavior as objective as possible, about the assumption that one may discover laws and regulations about human behavior almost as much ast one can discover laws and regulations concerning the physical globe.

Nevertheless, a major weak point of the theory associated with positivism is the fact that human behavior is a lot more complicated and human awareness of oneself and ones culture affects human behavior. Moreover, a persons observer attempting to measure human behavior affects the item becoming studied, and it is not possible to split up human behavior from the historical framework or from the social methods of the people observed.

The 2nd traditional theory Hemingway describes is postpositivism, that was developed to deal with the flaws within positivism. As he describes this, postpositivism continues to claim theres a knowable external actuality, which can be explained claims concerning the laws and regulations regulating how that external actuality works. Nevertheless, individuals claims are only able to be approximations, simply because external actuality should never be recognized in its totality. Yet postpositivism still retains the knower or individual attempting to research this particular trend could be outside of exactly what he or she is attempting to research, though this particular separation cant ever be complete. Moreover, because any kind of understanding are only approximate, postpositivism retains that it is not possible to make use of objective measurements, for example by utilizing experiments to try theory. Instead, the researcher must seek out a community associated with students within ones area of great interest to achieve a scholarly consensus about what propositions and conclusions should be accepted or not.

The actual weak point heres continuing to consider the knower could be outside of the item from the research. Moreover, theres a fuzziness in the idea of understanding something through a number of statements that are just approximations, and it seems doubtful that one must rely on a general opinion by other students to determine if something reaches least a precise approximation associated with something or not. A question instantly occurs about how is a to determine who is an acceptable college student for making a common sense and what kind of credentials such a college student should have to become appropriate being an expert for moving common sense. Another weak point is having impartial idol judges, because every college student is going to be relying on his or her own historical affects and social background, which contribute dispositions towards the evaluation process. After that, as well, theres a condition in determining how many students are necessary to create a sufficient scholarly general opinion, and the other problem might be these scholars may not have time or curiosity about making a common sense. A further problem is determining the criteria for how this particular general opinion is to be accomplished and what is to be considered a general opinion. Is general opinion to become accomplished via voting, therefore, does thereve to become 100% agreement, or exactly what are an adequate vast majority? One more trouble with the thought of general opinion is the fact that an individuals common sense might be relying on their relationship with the individual becoming judged, to ensure that he or she might provide a advantageous common sense in order to somebody he or she understands personally or that develops from a particular organization, whereas he or she might give an unfavorable common sense in order to somebody that is unknown or does not have the symptoms of the credentials from the suitable organization.

Investigating False Confessions Among Juveniles: A Psychological Application


During a recent lecture, I showed an excerpt from the Michael Crowe Interrogation to my psychology class. The goal was to illustrate the psychological fragmentation associated to a child that confesses to a murder that he did not commit. Students from the course astoundingly questioned the features associated to false confessions among this population and I am providing a discussion below that expounds upon the problematic concerns pertaining to juvenile confessions and why such incidents occur.

The most important question to a homicide is who is the perpetrator? The next most important would probably be why was this crime committed? Lastly, it is important how the crime was committed to be sure the evidence, methodology, motivation, victim selection, and other aspects corroborate with the suspect to make a case. The answer that law enforcement personnel are not typically seeking is that of a false confession or admission to perpetration, but such a happening does take place for several reasons, especially among children and juveniles.

The three predominant psychological categories that accompany false confessions (Gudjonsson & MacKeith, 1990; Kassin & Wrightsman, 1985; Kassin, 1997) include: (a) voluntary false confessions, (b) coerced compliant false confessions, and (c) coerced internalized false confessions. The voluntary false confession does not pertain to external pressures in admitting culpability for a crime; however, the coerced compliant false confession is due to the coerciveness that occurs during the interrogation process. The coerced internalized false confession is when the individual is made to believe that they committed the offense, with no memory of it because they are actually innocent (as cited in Ruiz, 2001).

There are approximately eight predominantly false confession typologies that are applicable to the children and adolescent interrogation process. The first typology is identified as Altruistic. In the altruistic confession, the individual does not believe that they committed the offense but they are possibly motivated to protect someone else through their erroneous admission.

The second typology is identified as Opportunistic. This is when the individual once again does not believe that they committed the offense but they seem to take the opportunity to admit to the offense as a means of desperation in protecting themselves from further harm that may accompany the prosecutorial process (Ruiz, 2001).

The third typology in false confessions is that of Notoriety Seeking in which the child or adolescent does not believe that they committed the offense but are susceptible to false admission due to the attention received from doing so. Such individuals usually have self-esteem issues and display anti-social behaviorisms.

The fourth typology is that of Sadistic, prevalent more so in adults versus children and adolescents, in which once again the individual does not believe they are culpable but they desire to inflict a form of psychological distress among the interrogator. This individual is cognizant of their innocence but falsely admits to crime commission based on the psychological need for attention, neurotically manipulating the entire investigation and representing control (Ruiz, 2001).

The fifth typology in false confessions is that Capitulation in which the individual being interviewed does not believe that they committed the offense but the interrogation process becomes psychologically overbearing and even forceful. Through a desperate act to protect themselves, they will admit crime commission just as a means to alleviate the pressures associated to the interrogation process. These individuals are rather interesting because the individual does not believe that they are guilty and they do not voluntarily confess but rather end up confessing because there is some type of reward or compensation that has been perceived to exist in exchange for a false admission. Such rewards could include a lesser sentence, ceasing the interrogation, sleep, food, and even going home. This form of confession is found to be prominent among children and adolescents (Ruiz, 2001).

The sixth typology in false confessions is that of Internal Guilt. This is when an individual believes that they are guilty of committing the offense and choose to falsely confess to the crime because they have an overwhelming sense of guilt and psychologically have the need to overcompensate for their wrongful disposition and should be punished for the crime as well. This may be referred to as pathological guilt.

The seventh typology in false confessions is that of Delusional. According to Gudjonsson (1992), this typology pertains to individuals that have a difficult time distinguishing between reality and fantasy. The individuals in this category suffer from some form of psychopathology in which they are constantly harassed by delusional thoughts of paranoia and end up confessing to a crime that they did not actually commit (as cited in Ruiz, 2001).

The eighth and final typology in false confessions is that of Convinced. This is when an individual believes that they are guilty of committing the offense because they believe during the interrogation process that they are the perpetrator. The interesting aspect here is that they admit to having no prior memory of committing the crime. Such an altercation is referred to as the memory distrust syndrome (Gudjonsson, 1992) and the individual is bewildered as the technique of source misattribution (Ceci & Bruck, 1993) is utilized to by the individual because they are unable to appropriately recall the events that took place (as cited in Ruiz, 2001).

There are several risk factors associated to false confessions to include: (a) age and overall developmental maturity, (b) heightened level of suggestibility, (c) poor recall in memory and lower intelligence, (d) poor assertiveness, (e) heightened anxiety levels, (f) lack of coping strategies or mechanisms, (g) knowing that negative feedback was given during the interrogation process, (h) having a history of high compliance with authority figures, (i) acute withdrawal from substances, (j) the absence of an attorney or adult present and no prior involvement within the justice system, and (k) the utilization of intimidation, manipulation, challenge, and leading questions utilized by the interrogator (Ruiz, 2001).

In closing, it should be noted that juveniles are more susceptible to providing false confessions to crimes due to their submissive social role to be subordinate to adult authority figures. Such a perception is both sociologically and psychologically constructed and when the authority figure proffers to behave in an authoritarian manner (Kaban & Tobey, 1999; Reed, 1996) juveniles find it arduous to deviate from the preconceived facts that interrogators at times suggest or fabricate to obtain the all important confession of a crime.

Reference


Ruiz, A. (2201). Problematic confessions in children and adolescents. In N.G. Ribner, The handbook of juvenile forensic psychology (pp. 58-76). San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

A Theoretical Application and Comparative Analysis of Aker's Social Learning Theory and Agnew's General Strain Theory


Criminologists investigate the causation of crime and the elements that encourage individuals to participate in deviant behavior. Through this examination, the application of theory provides a method of assessing the diversity of crime, expounding upon the occurrence, location, frequency, and motivation of perpetration. Nagin and Pogarsky (2001) discovered a correlation between the psychological rewards of negative reinforcement to that of conditioning an individual to participate in deviant behavior through the process of rationalizing and justifying the commission of delinquent acts.

Meier’s (1977, p.1) confirmed that Sykes (1974) identified the modern wave of criminology as being “radical”, evolving from the sociological characteristics that are associated to the commission of crime. Criminological theory is critically evaluated in relation to society, the occurrence of crime, the causation of crime, and the philosophical features pertaining to crime control and punitive decisions (Einstadter & Henry, 2006). The next section will address the development of deviant behavior relating to an individual’s social construction of behavior, values, and reinforcements that appear to initiate within the home and are further influenced within peer groups.

Social Construction of Deviant Behavior

Critical theorists concentrate on how social arrangements, status, position, and relationships correlate with issues of power, resulting in some form of conflict between social groups and structures (Straus, 2002). Deviance is a term that may be interchangeably utilized to describe dysfunctional behavior and strain (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977) that is prevalent in social contexts and perceived to be a sociological predicament (as cited in Schneider, 1985). The investigation of deviant behavior pertaining to sociological theory is classified as “social pathology” in which social reactions to acts of delinquency are explicated and investigated (Kitsuse, 1962). Deviance is classified as being situational in which society plays a role in the classification of unconventional behavior regarding social order (Hewitt & Hall, 1973). In 1960, Cressey suggested that “epidemiology” was the examination of the occurrence and distribution of criminal behavior that transpires throughout society (Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 3).

The incidents of criminal behavior may be attributed to a particular group or groups of deviants as well within an individualized manner. The examination of the theoretical component(s) associated to social learning initiated in 1947 with Sutherland’s differential association theory. The differential association theory (Sutherland, 1947; Sutherland & Cressey, 1974) attributed deviant behavior to be a behaviorism that directly correlated with sociological theory and social learning theory (as cited in Akers et al., 1979).

It was during this time that theories pertaining to deterrence and control (Hirschi, 1969) began to materialize; however, the social learning theory was the prominent (Akers, 1977; Conger, 1976; 1977; Feldman, 1977) perspective that accredited reinforcement (Harris, 1975; 1977; Eaton, 1974; Meier & Johnson; 1977; Hirschi & Hindelang, 1977) as a sociological and behavioral approach to applying theory to the explanation of deviance (as cited in Akers et al., 1979). The theoretical tenets associated to the learning process are framed by empirical support (Skinner, 1953; Honig; 1966) that is typically retrieved within a laboratory (Ullmann & Krasner, 1969; Bandura 1969; 1977; McLaughlin, 1971; Staats, 1975) with applied experimental conditions (as cited in Akers et al., 1979). In summary, the differential association theory attributes criminal behavior to be learned from interactions that rationalize and inspire an individual or group to participate in deviant behavior.

Akers’s Social Learning Theory

The principle of the social learning theory is that social behavior is operant in nature because behavior that is consistently constructed is based on rewards or consequences. Therefore, social learning may be cultivated from either imitating or modeling the behaviorisms of others (Akers et al., 1979). The modification of behavior through both positive reinforcement and negative reinforcement is a process accredited to differential reinforcement. The social learning theory is comprised of two fundamental elements (a) respondent and (b) operant behaviorisms (Burgess & Akers, 1966) that aid in social learning (as cited in Jacoby, 2004). Differential reinforcement (Akers et al., 1979) is a term that refers to the conceptualization of behaviors that may be deviant or conventional; furthermore, these behaviors are learned from individuals or groups that influence norms, values, and morals. Behavioral reinforcers are not necessarily social; there are instances in which nonsocial reinforcers influence behavior through the depiction or representation of what is behaviorally permissible.

The association of an individual’s social reinforcements is related to those who endorse behavior whether it is positive or negative. Social organizations may reflect behavior learned from one’s peers, parents, and members of society who are in positions of authority (Akers et al., 1979). Due to the fact that individuals strive to see how others perceive them, if they are perceived as deviant, they may be more inclined to behave in such a manner; however, this is not true in all instances (Akers & Sellers, 2009). There is a positive correlation between those who are labeled as being deviant (Goffman, 1963) to owning up to that label and participating in unconventional behavior; however, the label itself should not be credited for creating deviant behavior (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Akers and Burgess (1966) applied Sutherland’s (1937; 1940; 1949) criminological perspective of explaining criminal behavior and coined “differential association-reinforcement” to pertain to operant conditioning, concentrating on the behavioral principles utilized by psychologists (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 88).

The social learning theory contains characteristics that Burgess and Akers (1966) identified to be: (a) conditioning involuntary behavior, (b) stimuli that is both environmental and internal, presenting signals, (c) the degree in which compensation or consequences are afforded, and (d) the elements related to the modification of behavior (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Framed by Sutherland’s differential association theory (Akers, 1985), the social learning theory was established on the symbolic interactionism theory (Sandstrom, Martin, & Fine, 2003), which bases social interface on how individuals interrelate with one another, with the ability to perceive themselves in relation to others (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Through the process of differential association, an individual elects to participate in unconventional behavior while being exposed to a differential reinforcement that is eventually rationalized and possibly neutralized (Akers & Sellers, 2009). In summation, it is possible for an individual to establish a model of behavior that was socially constructed based on the appearance of what behaviors are rewarding, even if they are unconventional.

Agnew’s General Strain Theory

Strain is a concept that is perceived to be more prevalent throughout underprivileged communities as the lower socioeconomic standards epitomize disproportionate opportunities for achievement. The examination of social disorganization dates back to 1938 with Merton’s research on social structure, anomie, and the ideals pertaining to equal opportunity to be successful (Vito et al., 2007). Merton’s strain theory did not apply to all forms of deviant behavior and therefore it was not a model that was empirically supported. Agnew’s (1992) general strain theory provides the opportunity to examine strain experienced in relation to criminal and noncriminal adaptations (as cited in Broidy & Agnew, 1997). In other words, there are members of society that experience strain that do not elect to participate in criminal behavior; therefore, the complexity of strain is recognized as being diverse, warranting further exploration as to the affects of strain in general. In broadening this perspective, strain can be investigated within certain populations and environments in the examination of the sociological aspects associated to strain.

The general strain theory was developed by Agnew (1992) to generalize the explanation of criminal behavior in which strain consisted of three extensive areas: (a) failing to accomplish an objective, (b) the presence of an unpleasant incentive, and (c) the elimination of an attractive stimulus (Vito et al., 2007). The general strain theory expands the sources of strain to include adaptations attributed to the participation of criminal behavior (Broidy & Agnew, 1997). Negative results from the strain that is experienced can cause individual’s to react either conventionally or unconventionally while attempting to cope with the stressor. An interesting conceptualization of Agnew’s strain theory is that individual’s can experience stress vicariously, from other’s encountering strain (Bernard et al., 2010). Anticipated pressure or stress can result in apprehension as well; however, strain from a personal and vicarious perspective appears to be much more detrimental versus that of the anticipated form of strain (Bernard et al., 2010).

Agnew incorporated four specific features of strain that directly encourages delinquent acts: (a) when individuals are perceived to be mistreated or encountered unjustly, (b) when the strain is rigorous, (c) when strain is the result of low social control, and (d) when an individual is coerced or required to produce unlawful coping strategies (Bernard et al., 2010). Those individuals that demonstrate an elevated level of negative emotionality in addition to having a low level of control or restraint are more opt to participate in deviant behavior when they experience strain. However, those individuals who do not necessarily represent this population have the ability to implement conventional coping tactics in addressing general strain that is experienced (Bernard et al., 2010).

Agnew’s general strain theory was and is most often applied to address the motivations associated to adolescent deviant behavior. Agnew claimed that negative relationships in which the situation is destructive and difficult to escape from, directly influences negative emotions that result in strain (Bernard et al., 2010). Therefore, participation in deviant behavior functions as an apparatus to coping with strain experienced and these responses are associated to interpersonal situations that are problematic. In response to the strain that individuals experience, substance abuse and contribution to aberrant behavior appears to be the methods utilized to manage negative emotions (Bernard et al., 2010). The next section identifies the similarities between Akers’s social learning theory and Agnew’s general strain theory.

Similarities of Akers’s Social Learning Theory and Agnew’s General Strain Theory

The social learning theory and the general strain theory do have similarities regarding the motivation to participate in delinquent behavior in the achievement of goals. While the general strain theory strives to explain criminal behavior as being the result of one achieving their goal, the social learning theory attributes delinquent behavior to relate to the conceptualization of learning or emulating behaviorisms (Barkan, 2009). Both of these theories utilize social order and social structure to explain normative behavior and delinquent behavior within specific geographical regions. While the social learning theory focuses on the process of socialization in explicating criminality, the general strain theory embraces the strain that is received from individuals within negative social conditions (Barkan, 2009). Both theories incorporate a sociological component in the explanation of crime and both social and structural concepts are compulsory in the examination of why an individual participates in deviant behavior.

Social learning theory assesses the likelihood of deviant behavior as a result of being exposed to variables that shape and at times may even manage an individual’s behavior (Akers & Sellers, 2009). Therefore, the social learning theory assumes that learning is a progression with interactions occurring within a specific environment or social structure that ultimately directs behavior. Agnew’s general strain theory utilizes a structural strategy to investigate industrial needs and one’s adjustment to strain and stress in relation to deviancy. Another similarity between both the social learning theory and the general strain theory is that both may interchangeably function as a precursor for one another.

For example, an individual that is experiencing strain can learn from others in how to adapt and function in a society that is frustrating, applying the negative emotion to an unconventional action, or imitating what others elect to do in expressing strain. Additionally, an individual may participate in delinquent behavior because they have in some fashion conditioned themselves to behave in a particular manner, not realizing that their actions are a result of the stress and strain that is experienced (Akers & Sellers, 2009). The general strain theory combines elements of the social disorganization theory to the investigation of community disparities and the occurrence of crime (Agnew, 1999). Another parallel concept between both the social learning theory and the general strain theory is that of negativity.

The general strain theory attributes negative emotions and relationships that result in strain or stress while the social learning theory encompasses negative affiliation or unconventional conditioning to the achievement of goals. When strain is experienced, there are several characteristics that relate to conditioning individuals to participate in deviant behavior to include the utilization of conventional coping strategies (Agnew et al., 2002). In summation, in the process of adapting to the strain that is experienced in society, an individual may utilize methods that have been socially or vicariously learned in addressing the perceived constraint. Although both the social learning theory and the general strain theory are categorized as being sociological theories (Agnew, 1992), there are disparities in the application of these theories to the causation of delinquency.

Differences of Akers’s Social Learning Theory and Agnew’s General Strain Theory

One of the fundamental differences between the social learning theory and the general strain theory is that strain theories associate delinquent behavior to social class (Agnew, 1985). The social learning theory attributes acts of delinquency to be associated to either the exposure or experience of participating in deviant behavior and the reinforcement that is achieved to encourage this participation. Delinquency pertaining to one’s social class limits the range and occurrence in crime commission. Such a deliberation is expected to take place especially when delinquency is prevalent among the middle class population (Braithwaite, 1981; Elliott & Ageton, 1979; Elliott & Huizinga, 1983), making social class a concept that intermittently explains deviant behaviorisms (as cited in Agnew, 1985). Agnew’s general strain theory is categorized as a social structural theory while Akers’s social learning theory is classified as being a social disorganization theory based on social learning (Vito et al., 2007).

Social learning is comprised of elements associated to differential association, differential reinforcement, defining standards of behaving, and imitating behavior that is learned (Akers, 1999). The examination of the social structure in explaining criminal behavior based on the perceived strain or stress may be attributed to variables such as: (a) family, (b) class, (c) age, (d) sex or gender, (e) school, (f) peers, and (g) race (Akers, 1999). However, one of the differences between the examinations of the structural elements to explaining the occurrence of crime is that the social learning theory applies principles that have been learned. The general strain theory utilizes negative relationships to be the motivating factors in participating in deviant behavior, whereas the social learning theory attributes such behavior as being the product of unconventional relationships and affiliations (Agnew, 1992). However, “social structure is hypothesized to have an effect on the individual’s behavior through its effect on the social learning process” (Akers, 1999, p. 70).

Both the social learning theory and the general strain theory are classified as sociological theories of explaining criminal behavior. Agnew’s general strain theory pertains to crime from a psychosocial perspective (Broidy, 2001) while Akers’s social learning theory is best associated with crime and social processes. The strain theory purports that individuals are coerced to participate in deviant behavior due to the expression of negative emotion or strain experienced, while the social learning theory rationalizes deviancy to be acceptable based on societal forces (Agnew, 1992). An examination of the theoretical contributions that the social learning theory and the general strain theory have had on the study of criminology is explored in the next section.

Theoretical Contributions to Criminology: A Historical Perspective

Classical criminology is framed by symbolic interactionism in which theory is utilized to explore the meaning of crime (Bernard et al., 2010). In the examination of social control, social learning, and behaviorisms, symbolic interactionism is the perspective that is utilized to contemplate the opportunity for an individual to participate in deviant behavior (Vito et al., 2007). The combination of operant conditioning and features of cognitive psychology create the social learning theory in which learning results from direct and vicarious experiences (Bernard et al., 2010). Social organization is given prominence in identifying the disparities in crime in regards to one’s identity and their individual perspective of themselves in relation to society (Best & Luckenbill, 1980). The process of identifying whether or not an individual is a deviant can be attributed to patterns of socialization (Ulmer, 2000).

Johnson (1973; 1991) established a commitment typology that identifies the structure of personal relationships (as cited in Ulmer, 2000). The three different forms of commitment include: (a) the structural commitment associated to external restrain, (b) the personal commitment that is based on internal judgment and behavioral selection, and (c) the moral commitment that pertains to an individual’s level of restraint (Johnson, 1973). However, Bandura (1977) did not believe that all behavior that is observed will be emulated but rather the behavior and the reinforcements pertaining to compensation are what influences behavioral patterns (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009).

Criminology embodies a vast array of knowledge pertaining to the occurrence of crime and acts of delinquency in which this sort of behavior is considered to be a social phenomenon in and of itself (Sutherland et al., 1992). Historically, explanations pertaining to the causation of crime were based on a “welfare solution” in which concern was on reformation with little interest on “criminogenic” opportunities (as cited in Garland & Sparks, 2000, p. 9). Criminological theories address the social and legal inquiry pertaining to deviant behavior.

Two avenues that are most often investigated are the variation of crime and the propensity for certain populations to participate in criminal behavior more so than others (Akers & Sellers, 2009). Foucault (1977) in conjunction with Durkheim, Marx, Mead and Simmel, equipped criminologists with the ability to view crime from a modern perspective based on the sociological elements of criminology (as cited in Garland & Sparks, 2000).
Sociological constraint dates back to Durkheim’s (1897; 1951) examination of the features that cultivate deviance and conventionality throughout society (as cited in Ulmer, 2000). Durkheim’s principle of functional analysis implies that there are functional needs and requirements to be met within society. Behaviors are functional and dysfunctional and directly affect the arrangement of individuals; furthermore, society judges what is considered to be typical and atypical behavior (Straus, 2002).

Durkheim claimed that cultural components subsist throughout society ascribing objectives to obtaining prosperity and the motivation to act on the methods that could ultimately lead to a sense of esteem (Bernard et al., 2010). Bertalanffy (1901-1972), a biologist who offered an alternative perspective to cause and effect reasoning, introduced the social systems theory reflective of the many subsystems within society responsible for forming a whole system (as cited in Straus, 2002).

Social ecology refers to the manner in which human relationships are cultivated and influenced by their environment. Shaw and McKay (1900-1933) investigated the rate of delinquency in regards to ethnicity and geographical structure while Park and Burgess (1942) joined those to expound upon the social disorganization that was prevalent throughout communities (as cited in Barkan, 2009). Therefore, social factors appear to be the primary elements associated to deviant behavior in which social structure is disorganized. Garland and Sparks (2000) noted that:
The plain historical fact is that the social significance of crime and its control is so pervasive, so complex, and so contentious that no scientific discipline can ever dictate the ways in which these matters will be understood or addressed. (p.3)

Sutherland (1949) approached the explanation of crime to be either based on an individual’s history of criminality or their circumstances pertaining to the motive and opportunity to participate in deviant behavior (as cited in Birbeck & LaFree, 1993). However, the evolution of modern criminology introduced a social and political conception to the examination of how criminal behavior is formed in relation to controlling crime (Garland & Sparks, 2000).

Akers’s social learning theory integrated the psychological features associated to the learning process into the differential association perspective. This viewpoint attributes delinquent behavior to be the result of being exposed to role models that incorporate deviant behaviorisms into their values and the imitation of these behaviors is dependent upon the level of reinforcement received (Vito et al., 2007). The implications in addressing behavioral modification under the social learning theory is to restrict one’s ability to be exposed to others who practice deviancy and to address the modifications of one’s social attitudes to promote “prosocial” behaviorisms (Vito et al., 2007, p. 199).

Cloward and Ohlin (1960) and Elliott and Voss (1974) applied the strain theory to examine delinquency from an integrated perspective that focused on the motivation to obtain a conventional goal versus participation in delinquent behavior (as cited in Elliott et al., 1979). Although there are differences among the social learning theory and the general strain theory, these two theories are capable of being combined to form an integrative theory.

An Integrative Theoretical Perspective: Social Strain Theory

A form of “theory competition” is the integration of two or more theories (Liska, Krohn, & Messner, 1989) together to logically conceptualize and empirically examine the explanations of crime (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 295). There are several explanations to describe the causation of crime; criminologists that utilize the situational perspective of criminality contemplate the physical and sociological elements associated to acts of delinquency. Mischel (1973) stated that there are incidents in which one’s circumstances directly restrict behavioral selection.

There are situational variables that fuel the motivation to commit a crime and without these situational variables, motivation may weaken (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1984). Elliott et al., (1979) proposed an integrative theory to explain the etiology of deviant behavior, utilizing the social bonds and experiences to describe the process of socialization and participation with peers that are delinquent.

There are many theoretical perspectives that are utilized and applied to examine the occurrence of criminal behavior; however, each theory proffers a unique analysis of delinquency that can be related to other criminological theories to substantiate the evaluation of criminal behavior. It is realistic and appropriate to combine both the social learning theory and the general strain theory to develop an integrated theory entitled the social strain theory. The social strain theory would be based on the symbolic interactionism of crime, combining the work of Akers’s social learning theory and Agnew’s general strain theory to expound upon the sociological causes of criminal behavior. The variables of social learning theory incorporate (a) association, (b) corroboration, (c) justification and rationalization of behavior, and (d) conditioning and reformation of actions (Akers & Sellers, 2009).

Social learning theory is an integrated theory in and of itself, developed by Akers (1973; 1977; 1985; 1998) to incorporate differential association into the examination of behavioral principles to comprehensively investigate criminal behavior (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Cullen and Agnew (1998) are credited for applying the control theory and differential association theory to the investigation of sociological elements to explain acts of deviancy. Agnew’s general strain theory of crime and delinquency is comprised of social psychological perspectives of responding to the pressure(s) of meeting sociological expectations (Akers & Sellers, 2009). The social strain theory would apply the differential association and reinforcement of learning principles while embracing the fundamentals associated to sociological structure and strain experienced in certain populations. The combination of both perspectives presents an exceptional approach to explaining the causes of crime based on socially constructed elements of behavior that aid in the adaptation of the strain experienced.

Lemert (1951) claimed that criminals do not often perceive themselves as perpetrators or partakers in crime commission (as cited in Bernard et al., 2010). At times, criminals experience a level of neutrality associated to the rationalization of crime commission; however, once labeled a criminal, there is often a conceptualization of legitimizing delinquent behavior while fueling socialization with others that are similarly labeled (Garfinkel, 1965; Becker, 1963). The social strain theory would investigate the process of socially constructed behavior that is unconventional and yet justified or rationalized upon. This integrative approach would examine both an individualized role and group role within society to explicate social structure, competition, adaptation, and the emotional aspect of criminality.

If the majority of deviant behavior is learned, it is possible to implement proactive strategies in addressing the learning process to prevent future participation in perpetration. The social strain theory is a social theory and not a conflict theory, not concentrating on the humanistic competition associated to the political agenda of power and control. The many different criminological theories that explain the causation, control, and prevention of criminal behavior represent an instrument to comprehensively understanding the complexity of crime. Hirschi (1979) established several different strategies for integrating theories to investigative crime (as cited in Liska & Messner, 1999). The social strain theory encompasses both the social learning theory and the general strain theory based on a conceptual integration. In other words, the two theories can be conceptually integrated due to parallel tenets of social learning.

Conclusion

When examining the causes of criminal behavior, a plethora of factors must be considered to appropriately attempt to comprehend the dynamics of deviant behavior. In the examination of the micro and macro aspects of crime, Akers (1968; 1985) applied theory to conceptualize the relationship between social structure and the plausibility of participating in deviant behavior (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). The application of criminological theory involves the construction and implementation of criminal law to the investigation of those who refuse to abide by it. Theories are utilized to describe the behavior of individuals employed within the justice system who are responsible for the development and execution of laws, and also applied to examine the functionality of the justice system.

The transformation of traditional criminology to a modern perspective incorporated a democratization of social and cultural elements in the examination of social ecology and class disparity (Garland & Sparks, 2000). The epistemological assumptions of criminology contemplate how viewing the world is theorized in relation to the occurrence of crime and the problematic notion of controlling crime.

References

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Birbeck, C., & LaFree, G. (1993). The situational analysis of crime and deviance. Annual Rev. of Sociology, 19, 113-137.

Brantingham, P.J., & Brantingham, P.L. (1984). Patterns in crime. New York, NY: Macmillan.

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An Application of Liberal and Radical Feminism


Feminism may be perceived to be a sociological movement established and framed by an empirical application that addresses gender, social opportunity, and policy change (Kraska, 2004). In other words, perceptions and beliefs are consequences or effects of what an individual knows and this knowledge is based on their social context. Maier (2008) stated that the term feminist is a rather complex classification that is often applied to various circumstances that are political or sociological.

Although gender conflict is a social threat, it is not perceived to be physically ailing or as socially harmful as economic, political, or racial disparities (Liska & Messner, 1999). The feminist theory in the realm of criminal justice considers the level of inequality prevalent within the justice system that operates from a predominantly masculine approach. Feminist criminology was established during the 1970’s with concentration placed on the delinquent acts that were being committed by women (Burgess-Proctor, 2006).

Feminist theory is not considered to be one approach but rather a combination of varied criticisms (Brittan & Maynard, 1984) relating to the viewpoint of women (as cited in Simpson, 1989). Feminist theories are categorized as being a critical perspective representing a social response to (a) crime, (b) power, (c) inequality, (d) social class/role, (e) race, (f) ethnicity, and (g) gender (Barkan, 2009). There are five classifications of the feminist theory (a) liberal feminism, (b) radical feminism, (c) Marxist feminism, (d) socialist feminism, and (e) postmodern feminism (Burgess-Proctor, 2006).

Criminological Perspective of the Feminist Theory

The feminist theory may be considered a derivative of radical criminology in that theory is utilized and applied to the enforcement of social change (Vito et al., 2007). Feminist criminology was established when liberal feminist researchers observed the elimination of gender being integrated into the study of crime, perpetration conviction, and the results of being sentenced were areas that were being somewhat neglected from a criminological perspective (Burgess-Proctor, 2006).

The two prominent ways (Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988) that the feminist perspective directly relates to the study of criminology is in (a) the relationship of theory of crime, and (b) the degree to which theory explains gender disparity in the examination of crime commission (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). From a traditional standpoint, criminological theory was framed by crime and delinquency that was utilized to explain criminality among males (Einstadter & Henry, 1995; Leonard, 1982; Chesney-Lind & Pasko, 2004) versus that of females (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009).

Feminist theories apply to the study of criminology (Daly & Chesney-Lind, 1988) by providing a female’s perspective to knowledge while explicating the differences associated to gender throughout society and the judicial system (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). The application of feminism offers the opportunity to investigate the importance that one’s gender or role is to society (Gelsthorpe & Morris, 1990) with concern afforded to the characteristics that encourage dominance and females being the population that is primarily discriminated against (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009).

Adler (1975) researched the progressive rate of crime committed by females, purporting that the disparity between male and female crime commission was decreasing in regards to criminality (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Such a decline was attributed to the women’s movement and the modifications of traditional and customary roles of women. The women’s movement provided the opportunity for women to expand their social roles and unfortunately such growth provided the option for females to participate in deviant behavior (Adler, 1975) at a rate that was higher than normal (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). Simon and Ahn-Redding (2005) categorized this criminological advancement as the “masculinity thesis” in which the prediction of equality among women and men in regards to crime commission was perceived to be a sociological inclination (Adler, 1975) towards opportunity (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009).

The nature of violence is cyclical (Rochefort, 1986) due to the social expectations and the evolution of problems from a sociological, political, and historical perspective. Barkan (2009) explored the social and structural conceptualization of masculinity and reported that behavior motivates criminality which makes elevated participation in deviant behavior a naturalistic element that is directly associated with the process of male socialization. Additionally, Butler (1990) noted the theoretical connotation of gender being constructed from social interaction and West and Zimmerman (1987) reported that gender dynamics are associated to the customary routines that are expected of each sex (as cited in Anderson, 2005). Naffine (1987) claimed the female socialization accompanies a sense of constructive features as well as a sense of reliance upon others (as cited in Barkan, 2009). However, this concept is not empirically supported (Archer, 2000; Sugerman & Frankel, 1996) because of the weak association that violent perpetration is a form of individuality for males (as cited in Anderson, 2009).

The objective in applying the feminism perspective is considered to be “deconstructive” as the aim is to confront and overturn the oppositions related to gender (Barrett & Phillips, 1992, p. 1). The next section presents an evaluation of both liberal and radical feminism and describes the application of both categories to sociopolitical and criminological research.


An Evaluation of Liberal and Radical Feminism

Liberal feminism embraces the role of gender and social status or expectations as being the basis of “oppression” or domination for women (Burgess-Proctor, 2006, p. 29). The liberal feminism approach is the most recognized perspective of feminism (Beasley, 1999). Eisenstein (1981) claimed that liberal feminism centered on the examination of “opportunity and freedom of choice” (as cited in Kraska, 2004, p. 235). Liberal feminists are also referred to “sameness or rule-equality feminists” (Eichner, 2001) with the concern of equality between the sexes being the goal to conquering gender neutrality (as cited in Hopkins & Koss, 2005). Liberal feminists assert that males are socially awarded power in ways that were also politically and economically unequal. Liberal feminism applies the “sameness and difference” models (Barak et al., 2001; MacKinnon, 1991; Sokoloff, Price, & Flavin, 2004) to investigate the relationship between gender and opportunity (as cited in Burgess-Proctor, 2006, p. 32).

From the liberal feminism approach, gender disproportion derived from the divergent roles and customary standards which encourage women and men to adapt (Pateman, 1987) to these expectations (as cited in Kraska, 2004). As a result, gender connotations are further perceptible within the political, occupational, social, and educational arenas. Bem (1974) claimed that liberal feminism activists encourage the unification of both genders to operate collectively with the goal of eliminating the discriminatory approach towards women throughout society (as cited in Kraska, 2004). It was the liberal feminists that had the most persuasion on the women’s movement with prominence on the reexamination of how “cultural arrangement” and “sex-role socialization” influences the subordination of females versus that of males
(Vito et al., 2007, p. 227). One criticism of liberal feminism (Simpson, 1989) is associated to gender discrimination and the negligibility associated to racial disparity between classes.

Radical feminists are categorized as critical feminists with importance placed on the structural elements of sexuality, meaning: (a) power, (b) violence, (c) authority, and (d) control (Vito et al., 2007). Radical feminism attributes male supremacy being the fundamental principle and cause of oppression for women (Burgess-Proctor, 2006). Such subjugation is perceived to be the result of the social inequity that is oftentimes stimulated by authority and opportunity.

From a criminological viewpoint, radical feminists concentrate on the crimes that are committed against the female population by males (Burgess-Proctor, 2006). Radical feminism implies that power and dominion are features that mold gender roles (Barak et al., 2001; MacKinnon, 1991) with concern placed on social inequities (as cited in Burgess-Proctor, 2006).

Simpson (1989) argued that radical feminism addresses the oppression associated to the sexuality of women and the authority that men have within relationships. Early radical feminists (Atkinson, 1974; Barry, 1979; Firestone, 1970; Rich, 1970) asserted sex more so than gender to be of concern with political (Millett, 1971) aspects associated to the oppression and subordinate positioning of women throughout society (as cited in Simpson, 1989). Dworkin (1989) claimed that “Radical feminists argue that patriarchy precedes capitalism and that gender relations are more important than class relations” (as cited in Barkan, 2009, p.250). There are similarities and differences between liberal feminism and radical feminism with both models utilized in the implementation of social and policy change (Beasley, 1999).

Liberal feminism is different from radical feminism in that the approach to investigating gender is fueled from an approach that is grounded on social opportunity while radical feminism is driven by the notion of domination and authority. With that being said, both forms of feminism are similar in that the concentration of oppression for women is at the forefront of concern and inequity is perceived to be political, social, and opportunistic (Burgess-Proctor, 2006). While liberal feminism is perceived to be a model for reformation, radical liberalism is revolutionary. Liberal feminism is associated with a welfare or political perspective with primary concern attributed to the reallocation of opportunity (Beasley, 1999).

Radical feminism is similar to liberal feminism in that concern on the oppression of women pertaining to that of social order is at the forefront of policy implementation. However, radical feminism is distinctly different from liberal feminism in that the perspective of oppression is sexually instigated with women sharing common characteristics with other women (Beasley, 1999). Although liberal feminism is the form of feminism that is most credited for the women’s movement, radical feminism may be perceived to be more profound and reflective of the oppression of women due to the sexual nature of inequality and gender.

Another distinctive characteristic between the two types of feminism is that liberal feminists embrace the equality of rights between men and women and radical feminists investigate the male domination and subordination in the form of violence, sex, or even occupational and physical opportunities. Beasley (1999) revealed that radical feminists encourage lesbianism as a method of emancipation from sexual domination and subordination that may be experienced in heterosexual relationships.

The Explanatory Power of Feminism in Regards to Criminology

Warren (1980) argued that a radical feminist desires for sexual equality to be attained through innovative strategies in modifying the structure of society (as cited in Shibles, 1989). It is implausible to examine the explanations of criminal behavior without consider the role that gender plays (Miller & Mullins, 2006) to the occurrence of crime (as cited in Barkan, 2009).

The application of the feminist theory to the incident of female violence (Davis & Hagen, 1992) may be referenced as: “(a) family violence, (b) marital violence, (c) spouse abuse, (d) wife assault, (e) wife beating, and (f) battered women” (as cited in Yick, 2001, p.548). The feminist psychoeducation approach became popular as time evolved in which women’s shelters and programs for batterers developed onto the forefront (Feder & Dugan, 2002). Akers and Sellers (2009) stated that the National Crime Victimization Survey and the American Correctional Association Survey report that nearly half of all female offenders in the prison system have a history of physical or sexual abuse. Much research using the feminist perspective embraces discrimination, victimization, and gender inequality.

Lancaster (1998) asserted that due to the social organization of male dominance within society in general, this authority is oftentimes transferred over into relationships, as males desire to express power or control over women with the purpose of maintaining their identity or engendered role.

Stark (2007) proposed a coercive control theory to convey the structural inequities associated to the power and control that men display over women (as cited in Anderson, 2009). The explanations regarding the motivation for violence and control can be examined from a cultural and structural perspective; however, violence committed against women from a patriarchal standing does not adequately explain why all men are not violent (Dutton, 1994) with women (as cited in Anderson, 2009). Patriarchy is perceived to be the prominent explanation (Schecter, 1982) for male power and control, due to the economic, social, and political aspects associated to the reinforcement of authority (as cited in Yick, 2001).

Dutton and Nicholls (2005) conducted a research study on the application of the feminist theory to the occurrence of domestic violence and the accuracy of reporting such incidents. From the feminist perspective of domestic violence, females are abused in relationships more than males and this is a concept that is culturally sustained; however, any violent behavior expressed by females is not based on cultural expectations but rather is perceived to be reactive and protective action against the controlling and dominating male (Dutton & Nicholls, 2005).

This conceptualization is confirmed in previously conducted research studies (Frohman & Grossman, 2001; Bograd, 1992) as approximately 91 to 95 % of all cases of domestic violence are perpetrated by males against females (as cited in Corvo & Johnson, 2003). Therefore, the concern was on males committing intimate partner violence rather than on females participating in violence (Corvo & Johnson, 2003). Theoretically, batterers that participate in domestic violence are perceived to be males, with aggressive tendencies that are culturally authorized (Dobash & Dobash, 1978) to conduct themselves in this manner (as cited in Dutton & Nicholls, 2005). Ehrensaft et al., (2004) argued that research conducted on only one gender in the examination of domestic violence in relationships should not be empirically validated due to the dynamics associated to the social, behavioral, and cultural elements of this form of violence.

The majority of the research pertaining to the application of the feminist theory to domestic violence has encompassed American social standards versus that of other cultures. Yick (2001) applied both the feminist perspective as well as the family violence perspective to investigate the Chinese population, representing 22.6 % (Uba, 1994) of Asian Americans. Domestic violence among the Asian population is more prevalent than realized (Kim, 1973) with approximately 25% reporting physical abuse (Yick, 1999) and 42% reporting psychological abuse (cited in Yick, 2001).

Data obtained from Asian women who are battered is oftentimes underreported (Huisman, 1996) due to the level of hopelessness associated to the situation and a sense of entrapment (O’Herron, 1993) is experienced (as cited in Yick, 2001). Culture plays a vital role in social positioning. For example, Honig and Hershatter (1988) reported that Chinese males develop with the understanding that they are much more highly valued than that of their female counterparts (as cited in Yick, 2001).

Maier (2008) applied the feminist theory to conduct research on rape crisis centers in which liberal and radical feminists purport rape to be the result of gender inequality. However, such a statement does not directly support the occurrence of same gender rape. Brush (1997) stated that the National Violence Against Women Act modified the perception of violence committed against females in certain jurisdictions. Feminist criminologists are accredited for addressing the gender disparities among both offenders and victims of crime. The application of the feminist perspective has been beneficial in the investigation of female perpetration patterns and crime rate, as well as describing the causes of female crime and how these explanations differ to that of the male population (Haney, 2003). In summation, feminist theories are utilized to explore the issues of female oppression in which culture, family systems, socialization, economic status, and gender role/expectations are evaluated with the goal of addressing policy change and empowering the female population to have equal opportunity and not perceived as being the inferior gender.

Criminological Perspective of Liberal and Radical Feminism

Criminology was established as a social science to investigate the problematic areas of control and organization from a sociological perspective (Messerschmidt, 1993). At one time, the feminist perspective of criminology was related to Marxism in that the explanation of a segregated society is framed by domesticated roles within the workforce. Marxist theorists believed that women experienced oppression in relation to their roles and rights within society; however, there are feminists that opposed the fundamental purpose of oppression being directly associated to production versus the classification of subordination regarding gender (Messerschmidt, 1993). Regarding the criminal justice system, Marxist theorists evaluate the relationship between those individuals of power and authority to the “political state, including its law and justice system (Akers, 1999, p. 185).

Female criminality may be the result of many factors of which feminist theorists have interpreted to be the result of social patterns that initiate with the label of gender. Feminist criminologists describe the stereotypical aspects associated to gender within the justice system in addition to class or racial elements that influence status (Haney, 2003). From a criminological perspective, liberal feminists differ from radical feminists. Liberal feminists view the causation of crime to be predominantly associated to the result of inequality among gender, power, and race (Moyer, 2001).

In the investigation of the social structure of deviant behaviorisms, Akers’s General Theory of social disorganization can be related to the feminist perspective through the examination of socialization, gender patterns, values, attitudes, and exposure to deviant delinquent behavior (Morash, 1999). Therefore, the feminist theory in conjunction with other theories offers an integrative approach in recognizing the dynamics that influence and shape behavior, whether it is conventional or unconventional. Adler and Simon (1975) applied the concept of liberal feminism to the field of criminology during the women’s movement to further examine the educational and occupational opportunities as well as the types of crime that was being committed by females (as cited in Moyer, 2001).

Radical feminists view the occurrence of crime to be the result of female oppression with an emphasis placed on sex, race, and society. Research conducted on a radical approach to criminology suggests that women are victimized by males more so than males victimized by females and further evaluation of the diversity associated to offending disparities is necessary to better understand the subordinate role of the female population (Moyer, 2001). Feministic research is related to activism; furthermore, the application of this perspective to the study of criminology has been most efficient in the area of victimization (Britton, 2000). Another focal point for feminist criminologists is to identify the disparities among gender regarding treatment from the criminal justice system.

Radical feminists believe that the authority of males dominates societal structure in such a manner that frames the socialization of power. Supremacy is therefore transferred in the operation of organizations and permits males to objectify women to being mere sex objects available for maltreatment (Solomon, 1992). Therefore, one may argue that gender does play a much stronger role in socialization more so than race or class and that the feminist perspective is pertinent to addressing the disparities among men and women. The radical feminism approach to criminology attributes sexual victimization and abuse to be the result of male power and authority within the family and society alike (Solomon, 1992). Radical feminists evaluate the diversity of treatment between males and females within the prison system as a result of male domination of female sexuality (Simpson, 1989).

Therefore, gender appears to be a significant factor pertaining to sentencing disparity versus that of race. The concerns of sentencing disparity for liberal feminists encompass fair and similar punishments received. From the liberal feminism perspective of criminology, females rarely participate in acts of delinquency in comparison to men and this is primarily based on the level of social engagements or commitments that prohibit the opportunity for crime commission (Burgess-Proctor, 2006). Nevertheless, research (Daly, 1989) regarding sentencing disparity due to gender relations appears to be uncertain and the sentence given may in fact be affected by family status and the expectation of acquiring a sexual role that is familial (as cited in Akers & Sellers, 2009). The female inmate population is comprised of less that 10% of all incarcerated prisoners (Vito et al., 2007).

The investigation of the disparate treatment of male to female offenders confirms that there is an advantageous feature for females versus that of males. This association is classified as the gender effect (Daly, 1989) in which punitive decisions are not as severe for females; furthermore, Figueira-McDonough (1985) characterized such patterns as the chivalry hypothesis or to even be a paternalistic approach (Akers & Sellers, 2009) to perceiving disparate sentencing between genders.

Bishop and Frazier (1992) investigated the treatment of juveniles, discovering that leniency was afforded to female delinquents versus male delinquents only in situations in which harsh crimes were committed; however, for offenses that were not serious, there was no discrepancy evident in the treatment received. Historically, empirical assessments were not developed to explicate female offending patterns but rather the criminality associated to the male population governed the scope of research that was conducted by criminologists (Vito et al., 2007). Additionally, concentration on female criminality was not a common phenomenon until after the women’s movement. Feminist theories are utilized to conduct both quantitative and qualitative research; furthermore, feminism is an efficient approach in the examination of social structure by providing an explanation to the social behaviors that permeate the dynamics pertaining to power and status (Bean, 2003).

Criticisms of Feminist Theory

Feminism presumes that the causes of oppression experienced by women are identified through social aspects pertaining to structure, roles, and opportunity (Barrett & Phillips, 1992). The feminist perspective is often related to issues and circumstances associated to oppression that is experienced by females. However, it may be argued that this viewpoint addresses the subordination in such a way that societal standards are consistently examining the inequality associated to gender versus the modification of certain elements that may be perceived to be unfair or problematic (Brush, 1997). Such a concept is dichotomous in that the feminist perspective at times may even authenticate the division between genders in a manner that further hinders constructive changes that could be implemented throughout society.

In other words, the feminist perspective at times nullifies the productive elements by concentrating on the vulnerable aspects pertaining to the female population. Denfeld (1995) examined the application of feminism to address issues and claimed that more often than not, the feminist perspective imposes a victim mind set while underwriting the concept of double standards associated to gender (as cited in Brush, 1997). Burgess-Proctor (2006) identified a blanketing effect that occurs when applying the feminist approach to research in which assumptions reduce the amount of diversity throughout society and consider all women to experience oppression in the same manner.

Daly and Stubbs (2006) reported that violence is a phenomenon experienced in an incongruent fashion, not a concept directly related to gender alone. Therefore, the feminist approach to conducting research limits the experiences of women as a whole and assumes that all women throughout society in various circumstances experience oppression. It may be argued that this perspective is not even a realistic concept in addressing the sociological elements pertaining to strain experienced throughout society that is completely unrelated to gender altogether. With that being said, the end result of feminist studies is oftentimes disputed to represent a “false universalism” (Zinn & Dill, 1996) of gender in relation to inequality and diversity (as cited in Burgess-Proctor, 2006, p. 35).
Harding (1986; 1987) asserted that feminism opposes objectivity in the realm of empirical research further raising objections to the male prominence associated to social science and behavior (as cited in Bean, 2003).

Through feminist jurisprudence, the law is perceived to be ideological and rather sexist, a result of gender relations (Haney, 2000). The feminist perspective may be viewed as being somewhat tautological in that the examination of bias that women experience throughout society is a bias perspective in conducting research in and of itself (Letherby, 2003). In all, the feminist approach to criminology is radical and controversial with eminence typically placed on the political application to implement social change.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the feminist theory is comprised of many perspectives and approaches in addressing the divergent aspects of dominance and power throughout society. Women and minorities often experience oppression and are considered to be the subordinate population within social, political, educational, and occupational settings (Akers & Sellers, 2009). Such gender differences are perceived to exist because of certain expectations or roles for sexes. Within the criminal justice system, the constraining position of women is prevalent as men continue to overshadow positions of authority.

The parsimonious role of females in the criminal justice system may be the result of the predominantly seeking employment opportunities within law enforcement. The application of the feminist theory entails the examination of social relationships from a gender perspective with centering on the oppression of women from a broader concern of socialization (Dutton & Nicholls, 2005).

Feminists often conduct research on the force and violence that men employ in relationships. Dobash and Dobash (1979) argued that those men who abuse their wives are behaving this way as a means of representing the cultural expectations that are esteemed in Western societies (as cited in Dutton & Nicholls, 2005). The problematic issues of power and control against women in all aspects are consistently placed at the forefront of feminist researchers; furthermore, disappointment pertaining to the structure of social standards regarding gender establishes disparity, value, status, and expectations. Such organization results in disproportionate worth of the inferior gender with investigation on culture, social organization, role progression, gender identification, and the application of theory to endorse policy change.


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